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Thursday, 28 February 2013
Tuesday, 26 February 2013
Oscar Winners Full List
Oscar Winners Full List: 'Argo,' Daniel Day-Lewis, Jennifer Lawrence, Ang Lee & More
1. Supporting Actor: Christoph Waltz, "Django Unchained."
2. Animated Short Film: "Paperman."
3. Animated Feature Film: "Brave."
4. Cinematography: "Life of Pi."
5. Visual Effects: "Life of Pi."
6. Costume: "Anna Karenina."
7. Makeup and Hairstyling: "Les Miserables."
8. Live Action Short Film: "Curfew."
9. Documentary (short subject): "Inocente."
10. Documentary: "Searching For Sugar Man."
11. Foreign Language Film: "Amour."
12. Sound Mixing: "Les Miserables."
13. Sound Editing (TIE): "Skyfall," "Zero Dark Thirty."
14. Supporting Actress: Anne Hathaway, "Les Miserables."
15. Editing: "Argo."
16. Production Design: "Lincoln."
17. Score: "Life of Pi."
18. Song: Adele, "Skyfall."
19. Adapted Screenplay: Chris Terrio, "Argo."
20. Original Screenplay: Quentin Tarantino, "Django Unchained."
21. Director: Ang Lee, "Life of Pi."
22. Actress: Jennifer Lawrence, "Silver Linings Playbook."
23. Actor: Daniel Day-Lewis, "Lincoln."
24. Picture: "Argo."
___
Oscar winners previously presented this season:
Jean Hersholt Humanitarian Award: Jeffrey Katzenberg
Honorary Award: Hal Needham
Honorary Award: D.A. Pennebaker
Honorary Award: George Stevens Jr.
Award of Merit: Cooke Optics
The Academy Awards was set to include a tribute to James Bond, performances from Adele and Barbra Streisand and a host of other goodies. More from the Oscars is available in the live blog below.
Oscars 2013: Winners' Press Room
List of Black Comedians
List of Black Comedians
| Letter | Name | ||||||||
| A | Allison, Rod | ||||||||
| B | Bellamy, Bill | ||||||||
| Bruce, Bruce | |||||||||
| Banks, Carl | |||||||||
| Brown, J. Anthony | |||||||||
| Sister Betty | |||||||||
| Burrows , T.A. | |||||||||
| Tha Berry Boyz | |||||||||
| Brady, Wayne | |||||||||
| C | Cooper, Alycia | ||||||||
| Cosby, Bill | |||||||||
| Cedric the Entertainer | |||||||||
| Carter, Darren | |||||||||
| Chapelle, Dave | |||||||||
| Curry, Don “DC” | |||||||||
| Colemun, Henry | |||||||||
| Crawford, Lavell | |||||||||
| Colyer, Micheal | |||||||||
| Miss Clareese | |||||||||
| Cowart, Nancy | |||||||||
| Sister Quintella Caldwell | |||||||||
| Crouch, Stanley | |||||||||
| Cooley Viky | |||||||||
| D | Def Comedy Jam, Russell Simmons’ | ||||||||
| Dolemite | |||||||||
| Danchimah , Godfrey | |||||||||
| Dyson , Michael Eric | |||||||||
| Davidson, Tommy | |||||||||
| E | Earthquake | ||||||||
| Epps, Mike | |||||||||
| F | Foxx, Jaime | ||||||||
| Foreman, Meshelle | |||||||||
| Forbes, Shang | |||||||||
| G | Givens, Adelle | ||||||||
| Grier, David Allan | |||||||||
| Gregory, Dick | |||||||||
| Griffin, Eddie | |||||||||
| Gibbs, Marla | |||||||||
| Goldberg, Whoopi | |||||||||
| H | Hughley, D.L. | ||||||||
| Henton, John | |||||||||
| Hayes, Laura | |||||||||
| Harris, Ralph | |||||||||
| Harvey, Steve | |||||||||
| Hearn, T.P. | |||||||||
| J | Jamal, A.J. | ||||||||
| Johnson, Antonio | |||||||||
| J. Arnez | |||||||||
| Jerkins, Chucky | |||||||||
| Joyce, Darell | |||||||||
| June, Just | |||||||||
| Jubal, Malik | |||||||||
| J, Myra | |||||||||
| L | Master Lee | ||||||||
| M | Murphy, Charles | ||||||||
| Macio | |||||||||
| Mo’Nique | |||||||||
| Mooney, Paul | |||||||||
| McFadden, Reggie | |||||||||
| Man, Rod | |||||||||
| Moore, Rudy Ray | |||||||||
| T.J. McGee, Minister of Comedy | |||||||||
| Morgan, Tracy | |||||||||
| O | Owen, Gary | ||||||||
| Oneal, Patrice | |||||||||
| P | Point, Dana | ||||||||
| Prince, Micheal | |||||||||
| Q | Mr. Quik, Minister of Comedy | ||||||||
| Sister Quintella | |||||||||
| R | Rice, Broderick | ||||||||
| Rock, Chris | |||||||||
| Rebecca, Joe | |||||||||
| Richardson, Kaynin | |||||||||
| Robinson, Keith | |||||||||
| Robinson, Keith | |||||||||
| Russel, Nipsey | |||||||||
| Rey, Reynaldo | |||||||||
| Rod of God Comedy | |||||||||
| Rush, Rudy | |||||||||
| Robinson, Tony | |||||||||
| S | Smitty, Brotha | ||||||||
| Strong, Carl | |||||||||
| Spencer, Chris | |||||||||
| Stephens, James III | |||||||||
| Smiley, Rickey | |||||||||
| Sheridan, Rondell | |||||||||
| Simmons, Russel | |||||||||
| Sinbad | |||||||||
| Sykes, Wanda | |||||||||
| T | Thomas, Chris | ||||||||
| Torry, Guy | |||||||||
| Torry, Joe | |||||||||
| Taylor, Montanna | |||||||||
| Townsend, Robert | |||||||||
| Tyler, Will | |||||||||
| V | Veal. Larry | ||||||||
| Vann, Steffon | |||||||||
| Vidale, Thea | |||||||||
| W | Washington, Billy | ||||||||
| West, Cornel | |||||||||
| Wayans, Damon | |||||||||
| Wilson, Debra | |||||||||
| Wallance, George | |||||||||
| Wilborn, George | |||||||||
| Williams, Katt | |||||||||
| Wayans, Keenen Ivory | |||||||||
| Wayans, Kim | |||||||||
| Winslow, Micheal | |||||||||
| Watkins, Royale | |||||||||
| Wayans, Shawn | |||||||||
| Woods, Tony | |||||||||
| Wild, Bill | |||||||||
List of All time Oscar Winners
List of All time Oscar Winners
| List of All time Oscar Winners | ||
|---|---|---|
| Slumdog Millionaire | 2008 | |
| No Country for Old Men | 2007 | |
| Million Dollar Baby | 2004 | |
| The Lord of the Rings: The Return of the King | 2003 | |
| Chicago | 2002 | |
| Gladiator | 2000 | |
| Shakespeare in Love | 1998 | |
| Titanic | 1997 | |
| The English Patient | 1996 | |
| Forrest Gump | 1994 | |
| Schindler’s List | 1993 | |
| Dances with Wolves | 1990 | |
| The Last Emperor | 1987 | |
| Out of Africa | 1985 | |
| Amadeus | 1984 | |
| Terms of Endearment | 1983 | |
| Gandhi | 1982 | |
| The Godfather, Part II | 1974 | |
| The Sting | 1973 | |
| The Godfather | 1972 | |
| Patton | 1970 | |
| Oliver! | 1968 | |
| A Man For All Seasons | 1966 | |
| The Sound of Music | 1965 | |
| My Fair Lady | 1964 | |
| Lawrence of Arabia | 1962 | |
| West Side Story | 1961 | |
| Ben-Hur | 1959 | |
| Gigi | 1958 | |
| The Bridge on the River Kwai | 1957 | |
| On The Waterfront | 1954 | |
| From Here to Eternity | 1953 | |
| An American in Paris | 1951 | |
| All About Eve | 1950 | |
| he Best Years of Our Lives | 1946 | |
| Going My Way | 1944 | |
| Mrs. Miniver | 1942 | |
| Gone With The Wind | 1939 | |
Kitaw Ejigu
Kitaw Ejigu
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Kitaw Ejigu | |
|---|---|
| Born | February 25, 1948 Bonga, Kaffa, Ethiopia |
| Died | January 13, 2006 United States |
| Nationality | Ethiopian and American |
| Occupation | scientist (Chief of Spacecraft and Satellite Systems engineer) |
Contents |
Biography
Early life
Kitaw was born in Bonga, Kaffa, Ethiopia. He attended the Miazia 27th High School in Jimma. He then attended Bahir Dar Polytechnic Institute, and in 1966, graduated as the top student in his class. He received his diploma in mechanical engineering with specialization in agricultural technology. After graduation, Kitaw worked at the Ethiopian Automotive Services and Sales Company (EASSCO) as chief technical advisor and assistant manager for two years.In 1972, he won a scholarship from the Japanese Overseas Technical Association and traveled to Japan. There, Kitaw studied automotive engineering at Hiroshima University as well as language and economics at Osaka University. He later moved to the United States, where he began intensive research and training and earned an MBA in 1979. He then completed his doctorate in space vehicle systems engineering from Northrop University in California.
Career
Upon completion of his studies and researches in the late 1970s, he started working for NASA as a system engineer and space research scientist. He collaborated with other scientists on the space shuttle and other rocketry projects. Kitaw Ejigu was Ethiopia's first aerospace scientist. The only Ethiopian in the field, Kitaw also worked for Rockwell International and Boeing.Apart from his work as an aerospace scientist, he was also known for his efforts to bring about political change in Ethiopia. He publicly denounced the regime in Ethiopia and its actions and policies. Even though he was ambitious about using his knowledge, experience and high-status to help his homeland Ethiopia, he repeatedly said he was not made welcome by the regime. In 2002, he founded a political party, the Ethiopian National United Front, to help overthrow Meles Zenawi's regime.
Kitaw Ejigu died at the age of 58 on 13 January, 2006 in the United States; prior to his death, he was planning to work with the founder of Africa Needs Community Development Corporation, Tad Worku. His goal was to implement his valuable knowledge for the people of Africa and the world to see.
The Battle of Adwa: African Victory in the Age of Empire
When Ethiopia Stunned the World
The Battle of Adwa: African Victory in the Age of Empire
"This is the story of a world turned upside down." So begins The Battle of Adwa: African Victory in the Age of Empire.
While no attribution is suggested, it is likely Raymond Jonas had in
mind the famous ballad played by the British at their surrender at
Yorktown. As much as the victory by the colonials was a rebuke to
conventional wisdom so the battle of Adwa was to European attitudes
towards Africans during the Age of Imperialism.
The Battle of Adwa in 1896 was the result of Italian encroachments south of their colony of Eritrea on the Red Sea. Though bound by the Treaty of Wichale (1889) to friendship, the Italians and Ethiopians had different opinions about the nature of that friendship. This was the famous "mistranslation" where the Italian treaty indicated Ethiopia would be a protectorate of Italy, while Emperor Menelik II argued no such wording existed in his copy. After the Italians occupied the northern Ethiopian city of Adigrat Menelik summoned his forces and defeated the Italians at the battle of Amba Alage.
In response to this defeat thousands of Italian troops were ferried to Eritrea and, with great pressure from Rome to attack quickly, General Oreste Baratieri advanced and, due to a series of blunders by his subordinate commanders, his force was overwhelmed. Aside from numerous casualties, one mission reported roughly 3,600 dead though the exact number remains unknown, the Ethiopians also captured 1,900 Italians and 1,500 Askari (African soldiers serving in the Italian armed forces). The scope and scale of this victory - the campaign covered more miles than Napoleon's advance into Russia – should rank alongside any European campaign in the 19th century and assured Ethiopia as the only independent nation, apart from Liberia, in Africa at that time.
The Battle of Adwa is far from a simple battle narrative. Jonas structures the book into three sections covering the background, the battle, and the aftermath. By far the greatest effort on his part was uncovering a treasure-trove of Italian memoirs whose accounts humanize the battle. His narrative navigates seamlessly between commanders and commoners and sheds new light the conflict. The most difficult aspect of this review is summarizing this work but three themes emerge.
First, Jonas illustrates the fractured nature of Italian imperialism. As Adwa is held up as a symbol of resistance to colonialism it is ironic that Italy is given the position of imperialist archetype. If any quality typifies Italian colonial efforts it would not be jingoism but apathy. The Italian statesman Marquis d'Azeglio, after Italian unification, commented that "We have made Italy. Now we must make Italians." Italy was divided along religious, political, and regional lines. It was hoped by some, such as Prime Minister Crispi, that imperialism would improve the standing of the Italian government within the nation and across Europe. But even this small clique of colonialists demanded their aims be accomplished on the cheap.
It was just such pressure to win cheaply and quickly that made General Baratieri advance instead of his preferred defensive stand. The concern for cost was tied to the strong anti-colonial movement in Italy, due to having so recently been occupied by Austria, which was distinct in Europe. In response to the first defeat at Amba Alage students from the University of Rome marched through the street chanting "Viva Menelik!" and after Adwa there were legislative calls to abandon Africa entirely. This domestic scene is important as the willingness of Italy to accept defeat ensured Adwa was an Ethiopian success.
Second, Emperor Menelik II is shown to be a complex and engaging historical figure as well as a crafty politician. Too often heroes lose their humanity in the effort to place them on a pedestal and Jonas does admirable work in fleshing out the reality of Menelik. He documents the complex political web that Menelik had to navigate, and the admirable support he received from his wife Empress Taytu. It is hard not to see this marriage, linking the southern Shoa (Menelik) and northern Tigray (Taytu) regions of Ethiopia, as important as the one between Ferdinand and Isabella in unifying Spain. Jonas illustrates how Menelik slowly solidified his position, even using the Italians to help crush a rival claimant to his throne, and assured that Ethiopia entered the Battle of Adwa with a stronger domestic commitment to the conflict than his opponents.
Jonas also underscores Menelik's strategic acumen. For example, the Italians occupied the city of Adigat for over a year before Menelik confronted them. Rather than a sign of weakness, as the Italians believed, he used that delay to import European weapons to such an extent that his artillery outclassed those of the Italians. Jonas even offers the intriguing hypothesis that the supposed "mistranslation" of the Treaty of Wichale, the entire basis for the conflict, was a strategic choice. Jonas suggests that Menelik used his protectorate status to his advantage, such as a loan of four million lire from Italy used to purchase weapons, until his position was strong enough to claim there was a "mistranslation." These aspects of the story prevent Jonas' work from becoming a hagiography and leave the reader with respect for Menelik's decisions. These include his choices after the battle, such as not invading Eritrea and his care of the Italian prisoners, which preserved his strong negotiating position and assured he did not undo the effort he made in the European press, including a colored lithograph in Vanity Fair the 19th century equivalent to a Time cover, to foster sympathy for Ethiopia.
Third, Jonas illustrates how Adwa became a symbol for African, and African-American, resistance despite Menelik himself. Menelik saw Adwa as a way to solidify his rule and preserve his independence. The desire to see Ethiopia as a symbol of resistance came from others. Benito Sylvain of Haiti, a pan-African visionary, traveled to Ethiopia in 1904 to help celebrate Haiti's hundredth anniversary of independence. As Haiti was home of the first successful slave revolt, Sylvain saw a kindred spirit in Menelik. Far from finding a receptive audience, Menelik agreed that the "the negro should be uplifted" but noted that he was of little value as he was Caucasian. For a leader who had secured his position with the Dervishes against Italy by appealing to common "blackness" this suggests a malleable definition of race which Menelik would adopt based on his political goals. Much of the symbolism surrounding Adwa came from others, such as W.E.B. DuBois and others in the global African diaspora, after the end of the First World War.
Jonas claims that Adwa served as the model for future anti-colonial efforts. His narrative suggests that other resistance fighters learned lessons from the Ethiopian experience, such as using the press to build public sympathy. But the reader must infer them. In fact, exposing how the symbolism of Adwa developed far after the battle and divorced from Ethiopian support undercuts so much of the received wisdom that it is hard not to imagine most of the "lessons" are ex post facto rationalizations from other de-colonial conflicts. While he suggests that Adwa "set in motion the long unraveling of European domination of Africa" it is, again, a point the reader must accept on sentiment rather than evidence. Ethiopia was a shock to European self-assurance but was quickly forgotten which is why Europe was, again, shocked by Japanese victory against Russia in 1905.
Whatever the practical lessons Adwa provides, Jonas' book the Battle of Adwa documents the figures, both large and small, that took part in such a major turning point in history exceptionally well. His excellent archival work helps the reader see into the decisions made by the leaders, and humanizes the soldiers facing the consequences of these decisions, on both sides and leaves the reader leaves with a rich understanding of the significance of a battle which turned the world upside down.
The Battle of Adwa in 1896 was the result of Italian encroachments south of their colony of Eritrea on the Red Sea. Though bound by the Treaty of Wichale (1889) to friendship, the Italians and Ethiopians had different opinions about the nature of that friendship. This was the famous "mistranslation" where the Italian treaty indicated Ethiopia would be a protectorate of Italy, while Emperor Menelik II argued no such wording existed in his copy. After the Italians occupied the northern Ethiopian city of Adigrat Menelik summoned his forces and defeated the Italians at the battle of Amba Alage.
In response to this defeat thousands of Italian troops were ferried to Eritrea and, with great pressure from Rome to attack quickly, General Oreste Baratieri advanced and, due to a series of blunders by his subordinate commanders, his force was overwhelmed. Aside from numerous casualties, one mission reported roughly 3,600 dead though the exact number remains unknown, the Ethiopians also captured 1,900 Italians and 1,500 Askari (African soldiers serving in the Italian armed forces). The scope and scale of this victory - the campaign covered more miles than Napoleon's advance into Russia – should rank alongside any European campaign in the 19th century and assured Ethiopia as the only independent nation, apart from Liberia, in Africa at that time.
The Battle of Adwa is far from a simple battle narrative. Jonas structures the book into three sections covering the background, the battle, and the aftermath. By far the greatest effort on his part was uncovering a treasure-trove of Italian memoirs whose accounts humanize the battle. His narrative navigates seamlessly between commanders and commoners and sheds new light the conflict. The most difficult aspect of this review is summarizing this work but three themes emerge.
First, Jonas illustrates the fractured nature of Italian imperialism. As Adwa is held up as a symbol of resistance to colonialism it is ironic that Italy is given the position of imperialist archetype. If any quality typifies Italian colonial efforts it would not be jingoism but apathy. The Italian statesman Marquis d'Azeglio, after Italian unification, commented that "We have made Italy. Now we must make Italians." Italy was divided along religious, political, and regional lines. It was hoped by some, such as Prime Minister Crispi, that imperialism would improve the standing of the Italian government within the nation and across Europe. But even this small clique of colonialists demanded their aims be accomplished on the cheap.
It was just such pressure to win cheaply and quickly that made General Baratieri advance instead of his preferred defensive stand. The concern for cost was tied to the strong anti-colonial movement in Italy, due to having so recently been occupied by Austria, which was distinct in Europe. In response to the first defeat at Amba Alage students from the University of Rome marched through the street chanting "Viva Menelik!" and after Adwa there were legislative calls to abandon Africa entirely. This domestic scene is important as the willingness of Italy to accept defeat ensured Adwa was an Ethiopian success.
Second, Emperor Menelik II is shown to be a complex and engaging historical figure as well as a crafty politician. Too often heroes lose their humanity in the effort to place them on a pedestal and Jonas does admirable work in fleshing out the reality of Menelik. He documents the complex political web that Menelik had to navigate, and the admirable support he received from his wife Empress Taytu. It is hard not to see this marriage, linking the southern Shoa (Menelik) and northern Tigray (Taytu) regions of Ethiopia, as important as the one between Ferdinand and Isabella in unifying Spain. Jonas illustrates how Menelik slowly solidified his position, even using the Italians to help crush a rival claimant to his throne, and assured that Ethiopia entered the Battle of Adwa with a stronger domestic commitment to the conflict than his opponents.
Jonas also underscores Menelik's strategic acumen. For example, the Italians occupied the city of Adigat for over a year before Menelik confronted them. Rather than a sign of weakness, as the Italians believed, he used that delay to import European weapons to such an extent that his artillery outclassed those of the Italians. Jonas even offers the intriguing hypothesis that the supposed "mistranslation" of the Treaty of Wichale, the entire basis for the conflict, was a strategic choice. Jonas suggests that Menelik used his protectorate status to his advantage, such as a loan of four million lire from Italy used to purchase weapons, until his position was strong enough to claim there was a "mistranslation." These aspects of the story prevent Jonas' work from becoming a hagiography and leave the reader with respect for Menelik's decisions. These include his choices after the battle, such as not invading Eritrea and his care of the Italian prisoners, which preserved his strong negotiating position and assured he did not undo the effort he made in the European press, including a colored lithograph in Vanity Fair the 19th century equivalent to a Time cover, to foster sympathy for Ethiopia.
Third, Jonas illustrates how Adwa became a symbol for African, and African-American, resistance despite Menelik himself. Menelik saw Adwa as a way to solidify his rule and preserve his independence. The desire to see Ethiopia as a symbol of resistance came from others. Benito Sylvain of Haiti, a pan-African visionary, traveled to Ethiopia in 1904 to help celebrate Haiti's hundredth anniversary of independence. As Haiti was home of the first successful slave revolt, Sylvain saw a kindred spirit in Menelik. Far from finding a receptive audience, Menelik agreed that the "the negro should be uplifted" but noted that he was of little value as he was Caucasian. For a leader who had secured his position with the Dervishes against Italy by appealing to common "blackness" this suggests a malleable definition of race which Menelik would adopt based on his political goals. Much of the symbolism surrounding Adwa came from others, such as W.E.B. DuBois and others in the global African diaspora, after the end of the First World War.
Jonas claims that Adwa served as the model for future anti-colonial efforts. His narrative suggests that other resistance fighters learned lessons from the Ethiopian experience, such as using the press to build public sympathy. But the reader must infer them. In fact, exposing how the symbolism of Adwa developed far after the battle and divorced from Ethiopian support undercuts so much of the received wisdom that it is hard not to imagine most of the "lessons" are ex post facto rationalizations from other de-colonial conflicts. While he suggests that Adwa "set in motion the long unraveling of European domination of Africa" it is, again, a point the reader must accept on sentiment rather than evidence. Ethiopia was a shock to European self-assurance but was quickly forgotten which is why Europe was, again, shocked by Japanese victory against Russia in 1905.
Whatever the practical lessons Adwa provides, Jonas' book the Battle of Adwa documents the figures, both large and small, that took part in such a major turning point in history exceptionally well. His excellent archival work helps the reader see into the decisions made by the leaders, and humanizes the soldiers facing the consequences of these decisions, on both sides and leaves the reader leaves with a rich understanding of the significance of a battle which turned the world upside down.
Halie Selassie, Ethiopian ruler!
Halie Selassie
Date:
Sat, 1892-07-23
Selassie was born Tafari Makonnen in Harer, Ethiopia. He married Wayzaro Menen, daughter of Emperor Menelik II, in 1911. By becoming prince (Ras), Selassie became the focus of the Christian majority's approval over Menelik's grandson, Lij Yasu, because of his progressive nature and his more reliable political ideas. He was named regent and heir to the throne in 1917, and traveled to such cities as Rome, Paris, and London to become the first Ethiopian ruler to ever go abroad.
In November of 1930, Zaubitu died and Selassie was crowned emperor, the 111th emperor in the succession of King Solomon. Upon this occasion he got rid of the name Tafari Makonnen and took Haile Selassie, meaning "Might of the Trinity."
Selassie worked for economic and social reforms such as making slavery punishable by law. He gave Ethiopia its first written constitution in 1931. When Ethiopia was attacked by Fascist Italy in 1935, he lived in exile in England until 1941. During World War II, British forces assisted in the liberation of Ethiopia and restored him to the throne.
Rebels seized the government on December 13, 1960, while he was in South America, but he regained his throne four days later. He was a fairer ruler than many of those around him. For example, as a young provincial governor, he took only 50% of his peasant’s crops while other governors were taking 90%, and in the 1950s as few as 100 political prisoners were tortured in his jails at one time. However, under his long rule, Ethiopia remained in the dark ages. Under Selassie, Ethiopia received more US aid than any other African country, and Washington purchased a $2 million yacht for the Emperor.
When Selassie faced an uprising in the province of Eritrea, the US sent advisers and arms to help him smash the revolt. In return for American support, Selassie provided the United States with a naval oasis in the Red Sea and a place for a strategic communications station. Selassie's kindness to his animals was his downfall; he was overthrown when photos of him feeding his dogs during the 1973 famine were circulated among his outraged troops. This group effectively removed Selassie's means of governing, as they had complete military control. In July 1974, an opposing government (Derg) demanded a new constitution when it was found to be unsatisfactory to their "Ethiopia First" ideology.
They proceeded to undermine the emperor's authority, and enjoyed much public support.
The emperor's estate and palace were nationalized and in August, Selassie was directly accused of covering up famine in the early 1970s, that killed hundreds of thousands of people. On September 12, he was formally deposed and arrested and power was given to the Derg, formally renamed the Provisional Military Administrative Council.
In August 1975, His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie died under questionable circumstances while under house arrest, and was secretly buried.
Monday, 25 February 2013
The Battle of Adwa
The Battle of Adwa
The Battle of Adwa
African Victory in the Age of Empire
In March 1896 a well-disciplined and massive Ethiopian army did the
unthinkable—it routed an invading Italian force and brought Italy’s war
of conquest in Africa to an end. In an age of relentless European
expansion, Ethiopia had successfully defended its independence and cast
doubt upon an unshakable certainty of the age—that sooner or later all
Africans would fall under the rule of Europeans. This event opened a
breach that would lead, in the aftermath of world war fifty years later,
to the continent’s painful struggle for freedom from colonial rule.
Raymond Jonas offers the first comprehensive account of this singular episode in modern world history. The narrative is peopled by the ambitious and vain, the creative and the coarse, across Africa, Europe, and the Americas—personalities like Menelik, a biblically inspired provincial monarch who consolidated Ethiopia’s throne; Taytu, his quick-witted and aggressive wife; and the Swiss engineer Alfred Ilg, the emperor’s close advisor. The Ethiopians’ brilliant gamesmanship and savvy public relations campaign helped roll back the Europeanization of Africa.
Figures throughout the African diaspora immediately grasped the significance of Adwa, Menelik, and an independent Ethiopia. Writing deftly from a transnational perspective, Jonas puts Adwa in the context of manifest destiny and Jim Crow, signaling a challenge to the very concept of white dominance. By reopening seemingly settled questions of race and empire, the Battle of Adwa was thus a harbinger of the global, unsettled century about to unfold.
Raymond Jonas offers the first comprehensive account of this singular episode in modern world history. The narrative is peopled by the ambitious and vain, the creative and the coarse, across Africa, Europe, and the Americas—personalities like Menelik, a biblically inspired provincial monarch who consolidated Ethiopia’s throne; Taytu, his quick-witted and aggressive wife; and the Swiss engineer Alfred Ilg, the emperor’s close advisor. The Ethiopians’ brilliant gamesmanship and savvy public relations campaign helped roll back the Europeanization of Africa.
Figures throughout the African diaspora immediately grasped the significance of Adwa, Menelik, and an independent Ethiopia. Writing deftly from a transnational perspective, Jonas puts Adwa in the context of manifest destiny and Jim Crow, signaling a challenge to the very concept of white dominance. By reopening seemingly settled questions of race and empire, the Battle of Adwa was thus a harbinger of the global, unsettled century about to unfold.
Friday, 15 February 2013
Politics of Ethiopia
Politics of Ethiopia
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
[edit]Government of Ethiopia
The government of Ethiopia is structured in the form of a federal parliamentary republic, whereby the Prime Minister is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government while legislative power is vested in the Parliament. The Judiciary is more or less independent of the executive and the legislature. There are 9 ethnically-based Regions_of_Ethiopia and two self-governing administrations; the country's capital Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa.
The president of Ethiopia is elected by the House of People's Representatives for a six-year term. The prime minister is chosen by the parliament. The prime minister is designated by the party in power following legislative elections. The Council of Ministers, according to the1995 constitution, is comprised by the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Ministers, various Ministers and other members as determined and approved by the House of People's Representatives. At the current time, this includes the 20 members of Council of Ministers.
The Federal Parliamentary Assembly has two chambers: the Council of People's Representatives (Yehizbtewekayoch Mekir Bet) with 547 members, elected for five-year terms in single-seat constituencies; and the Council of the Federation (Yefedereshn Mekir Bet) with 110 members, one for each nationality, and one additional representative for each one million of its population, designated by the regional councils, which may elect them themselves or through popular elections.
The president and vice president of the Federal Supreme Court are recommended by the prime minister and appointed by the House of People's Representatives; for other federal judges, the prime minister submits candidates selected by the Federal Judicial Administrative Council to the House of People's Representatives for appointment.
[edit]Recent history
In May 1991, a coalition of rebel forces under the name Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) defeated the government of Mengistu regime. In July 1991, the TPLF, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and others – with the general exclusion of Amharas – established the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), which consisted of an 87-member Council of Representatives and guided by a national charter that functioned as a transitional constitution. Since 1991, Ethiopia has established warm relations with theUnited States and western Europe and has sought substantial economic aid from Western countries and World Bank.
In June 1992 the OLF withdrew from the government; in March 1993, members of the Southern Ethiopia Peoples' Democratic Coalition left the government. The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), an ally in the fight against the Mengistu regime, assumed control of Eritrea and established a provisional government. Eritrea achieved full independence on May 24, 1993.
President Meles Zenawi and members of the TGE pledged to oversee the formation of a multi-party democracy. The first election for Ethiopia's 547-member constituent assembly was held in June 1994. This assembly adopted the constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia in December 1994. The elections for Ethiopia's first popularly-chosen national parliament and regional legislatures were held in May and June 1995. Most opposition parties chose to boycott these elections. There was a landslide victory for theEthiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). International and non-governmental observers concluded that opposition parties would have been able to participate had they chosen to do so.
The Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia was installed in August 1995. The first President was Negasso Gidada. The EPRDF-led government of Prime Minister Meles has promoted a policy of ethnic federalism, seemingly devolving significant powers to regional, ethnically-based authorities. Ethiopia today has nine semi-autonomous Regions of Ethiopia that have the power to raise and spend their own revenues.
In 2004, the government began a resettlement initiative to move more than two million people away from the arid highlands of the east, proposing that these resettlements would reduce food shortages.
The incumbent President is Girma Wolde-Giorgis and has been at that position since Oct 2001. The ruling party, EPRDF was re-elected in 2000, and then again in 2005 amidst protests and riots that led to the death of many Ethiopians. Hundreds of political leaders–some of whom were elected to parliamentary positions– were arrested in connection with these protests
As of February 2006, hundreds political remained in custody, facing trial in March. About 119 people are currently facing trial, including journalists for defamation and opposition party leaders for treason. Human rights organisations have raised concerns over the well-being of some of these prisoners. However 8,000 prisoners have already been freed.[2 Concerns about the implications of these trials for the freedom of the press have also been raised. According to the US Department of State 2009 human rights report, there are hundreds of political prisoners in Ethiopia. Among them is the leader of the largest opposition party Birtukan Midekssa. Fundamental freedoms, including freedom of the press, are, in practice, circumscribed.
List of political parties in Ethiopia and Elections in Ethiopia
Many parties are represented in the Ethiopia Parliament where representatives from Oromia state hold the most positions followed by representatives from the Amhara State.Various opposition parties—including the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces, United Ethiopian Democratic Party-Medhin Party, Somali People's Democratic Party, EDL, Gambela People's Democratic Movement, All Ethiopian Unity Party, Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, Oromo People's Congress, and the Benishangul-Gumuz People's Democratic Unity Front—hold many positions in the parliament.
List of political parties in Ethiopia. An overview on elections and election results is included in Elections in Ethiopia.
| Coalitions and parties | Votes | % | Seats |
|---|---|---|---|
| Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front | 59.8% | 327 | |
| Coalition for Unity and Democracy | 19.9% | 109 | |
| United Ethiopian Democratic Forces | 9.5% | 52 | |
| Somali People's Democratic Party | 4.3% | 24 | |
| Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement | 2.0% | 11 | |
| Benishangul-Gumuz People's Democratic Unity Front | 1.4% | 8 | |
| Afar National Democratic Party | 1.4% | 8 | |
| Gambela People's Democratic Movement | negligible | 3 | |
| Sheko and Mezenger People's Democratic Unity Organization | negligible | 1 | |
| Hareri National League | negligible | 1 | |
| Argoba Nationality Democratic Organization | negligible | 1 | |
| Independent | negligible | 1 | |
| Total | 100% | 546 |
Some other political pressure groups include the Council of Alternative Forces for Peace and Democracy in Ethiopia (CAFPDE) Beyene Petros and the Southern Ethiopia People's Democratic Coalition (SEPDC) [Beyene Petros].
The coalition of opposition parties and some individuals that was established in 2009 to oust at the general election in 2010 the regime of the TPLF, Meles Zenawi’s party that has been in power since 1991, published a 65-page manifesto in Addis Ababa on October 10, 2009.
Some of the eight member parties of this Ethiopian Forum for Democratic Dialogue (FDD or Medrek in Amharic) include the Oromo Federalist Congress (organized by the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement and the Oromo People’s Congress), the Arena Tigray (organized by former members of the ruling party TPLF), the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ, whose leader was imprisoned), and the Coalition of Somali Democratic Forces.
[edit]2005 Ethiopian general elections
Main article: Ethiopian general elections, 2005
Ethiopia held its third general election in May 2005, which drew a record number of voters, with 90% of the electorate turning out to cast their vote. While the election was deemed by the European Union election observer team to fall short of international standards for fair and free elections, other teams drew different conclusions. The African Union report on September 14 commended "the Ethiopian people's display of genuine commitment to democratic ideals and on September 15 the US Carter Center concluded that "the majority of the constituency results based on the May 15 polling and tabulation are credible and reflect competitive conditions". The US Department of State said on September 16, "these elections stand out as a milestone in creating a new, more competitive multi-party political system in one of Africa's largest and most important countries." Even the EU preliminary statement of 2005 also said "...the polling processes were generally positive. The overall assessment of the process has been rated as good in 64% of the cases, and very good in 24%".
The opposition complained that the ruling EPRDF engaged in widespread vote rigging and intimidation, alleging fraud in 299 constituencies. The ruling party complained that the main opposition party CUD's AEUP sub party had engaged in intimidation. All allegations were investigated by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia in cooperation with election monitors, a process which delayed the release of the final results. In June 2005, with the results of the election still unclear, a group of university students protested these alleged discrepancies, encouraged by supporters of the Coalition for Unity opposition party, despite a ban on protests imposed by the government. On June 8, 26 people were killed in Addis Ababa as a result of rioting, which led to the arrest of hundreds of protesters.On September 5, 2005, the National Elections Board of Ethiopia released the final election results, which confirmed that the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front retained its control of the government, but showed that opposition parties had increased their share of parliamentary seats, from 12 to 176. The Coalition for Unity and Democracy won all the seats in Addis Ababa, both for the Parliament and the City Council.
Street protests broke out again when the opposition called for a general strike and boycotted the new Parliament, refusing to accept the results of the election. The police forces once again attempted to contain the protests, and this time, 42 people were killed in Addis Ababa, including seven policemen, and another of whom later died because of fatal injuries caused by a hand grenade detonation. Thousands were arrested, and were taken to various detention centers across the country. As of February 2006, six hundred remained in custody, facing trial in March.
On 14 November, the Ethiopian Parliament passed a resolution to establish a neutral commission to investigate the incidents of June 8 and November 1 and 2. In February 2006, UK Prime Minister Blair, acknowledging that the EPRDF has won the election, said he wanted to see Ethiopia resolve its internal problems and continue on a democratic path.
With Ethiopia’s national election in May 2010 approaching, some opposition groups begun to hint a boycott, accusing the government of stepping up harassment against them. Despite growing claims of "harassment" and "undemocratic actions" perpetrated by the ruling party, the Forum for Democratic Dialogue (FDD), Ethiopia’s biggest alliance of opposition political parties declared in October 2009 that it will contest in the scheduled election.
Gebru Asrat, a former ally of PM Meles Zenawi, said that his party’s primary efforts were "to engage in negotiation with the government on key election issues" ahead of the election, but he added that the government was reluctant.
FDD insists to engage in a pre-election negotiation on 10 key subjects, among which the issues of access to the media for campaigning, the supremacy of law, the free access of international observers, the establishment of an independent electoral board and a stop to harassment and pressure on opposition members.
[edit]International organization participation
ACP, AfDB, ECA, FAO, G-24, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICRM, IDA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IGAD, ILO, IMF, IMO, Intelsat, Interpol, IOC, IOM (observer), ISO, ITU, NAM, OAU, OPCW,United Nations, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNU, UPU, WCO, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WToO
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